Section 3. The Design of the
Appointment of Civil Rulers, or of the Institution of Civil
Government. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to
the evil. Verse 3. This and the subsequent
section furnish us with the key to the entire passage. had the
apostle merely enjoined subjection to civil authorities, as he does
in the terms of verses 1st and 2nd, adding no explanations,
giving no clue to the character of the power to which his injunction
is designed to apply, it would have been difficult, perhaps
impossible, from the passage itself, to have shown any limitations
we might have been compelled to resort mainly to other scriptures
for light, as to the duty really, after all, enjoined, We might,
indeed, have obtained some light from the term Ikhlasja, and from
the phrase Tetigmanoyopo 2q we could have evaded the advocate
of passive obedience and non-resistance, but we would almost have despaired
of convincing him. But with the Apostle's own explanations
all is clear. He enjoins obedience, but he
adds a reason drawn from the character of the power, and so
limits, most clearly and conclusively, his own injunction for rulers
are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. 1. Paul here
defines a government set up and engaged in attending to its appropriate
functions rulers are not a terror, and etc. Hitherto, the subject
has been government civil government as a divine institution. Here,
for the first time, we meet with a direct reference to magistrates
actually employed in administering the affairs of the Commonwealth,
including, of course, legislators, judges, and executive officers. This change of phraseology is
not without design. It is clearly intended to establish
a distinction a distinction existing in the very nature of the case
between the institution of government and governors themselves. the
institution of government is to be studied, governors are
to be tried, or, if the expression be more correct, the entire character
and operations of government, as it actually exists, urges
its claims upon the citizen and the Christian. 2. The governors
to whom the injunction of Paul applies are not a terror to good
works. To what does Paul here refer?
To what class of works? Does this phrase mean no more,
as Tolok explains it, than such works as are the opposite of
resistance and rebellion? Most certainly not. Such an interpretation
puts an entirely new meaning upon the phrase good works, and
would, moreover, fix upon the apostle the charge of expressing
himself with an unaccountable obscurity and meagerness. Does
it mean such works as industry, honesty, and the orderly discharge
of common, social, and relative duties? no doubt these are included
in it. But even this is a very defective
interpretation. There must be added, at least,
such things, as come under the head of common morality. But
we go farther. Paul here speaks, not as a mere
heathen philosopher, but as a Christian minister, and an apostle of Christ. What then are good works? The
answer is clear. They are such as the Law of Christ
demands they are all the external results and fruits of the operations
of the Spirit of Christ. Among these, as already intimated,
will be found all that is comprehended under the name of morals, but
they include much more Sabbath sanctification, the public profession
of the name and truth of Christ as worship, and efforts to advance
His Kingdom and interest. Thus if two, ten, created in
Christ Jesus unto good works, B 2, 14. Zealous of good works. 1 Timothy 3, 1. He that desireth
the office of a bishop desireth a good work. 2 Thessalonians
2, 17. Establish you in every good word
and work, this good work being, in part, what is referred to
elsewhere in addressing the Thessalonian church, that from then the word
of the Lord had sounded out. Rev 2, 26. and he that overcometh
and keepeth my works unto the end, to him will I give power
over the nations." And, finally, Rev. 14, 13. Blessed are the
dead which die in the Lord, that they may rest from their labors,
and their works do follow them. It is not denied that, in most
of these passages and similar ones, works of morality are meant,
but in some, the immediate and only reference is to works peculiarly
denominated religious, and in no instance can these be excluded.
How can we imagine that Paul departed, in the passage before
us, from the current meaning, which every Christian attaches
to this phrase? One now, to such works magistrates
those referred to by the apostle would not be a terror. against
such as practice these, he will enact no laws. And does not the
principle already taught, that magistracy is the ordinance of
God, abundantly confirm this? It is, in fact, a most serious
error, and one that has led to many others, that God has ordained
any institution among men, or sanctions any, in which the promotion
of His glory as the supreme lawgiver, and the alone object of worship
and religious homage, is not achieved and, the Lord hath made
all things for himself," Job 16, 27. And of every people,
in a certain sense, does God say, as he said with a peculiar
emphasis of ancient Israel, and says of the church, this people
have I formed for myself, to show forth my praise. This is
expressly asserted of the family relation, Malachi 2, 15. and as to government, who questions
that among the patriarchs, all authority, including what we
now term civil, was to be so employed. We cannot conceive
of an intelligent and devout patriarch, or subject of patriarchal
government, who would not regard the patriarchal authority, as
given for the glory of God, in the patronage of good works of
a religious, as well as of a common moral character. And finally,
God himself gave a government to his own chosen Israel, and
in defining its powers and functions, leaves no doubt that all the
good works, to which this government was not to be a terror, were
works such as have been specified above as those, in part, intended
by Paul. In short, there is every reason
the phrase itself the ends of the institution of government
its history and the direct teachings of the Most High and the institutes
given to Israel, to believe that among the works here meant are
those that come under the head of religion religion in its exterior
manifestations. Now, to such, rulers are not
a terror. Such rulers as Paul refers to
will so legislate, so judge, so apply law, as that not only
the upright and peaceable, but the fearers of God and the servants
of Christ, will be subject to no hindrance, exposed to no danger
from the civil arm, in their Christian profession and effort.
Such rulers will so act as that Christ may be preached, His law
defended, His authority maintained, His church propagated, without
fear of offending the powers that be. 3. These rulers use
their powers for the restraint of evil but a terror to the evil
to ascertain the import of the term evil, we have only to institute
a contrast between this clause and the preceding. Good works
are such works as are appropriate to the honest, peaceable, and
moral. Of course, evil works are such
as dishonesty, turbulence, theft, and all gross departures from
morality. Good works are such as honor
Christ, the Sabbath, the scriptures, and the name and supreme dignity
of a 3-1 God. Evil works are such as are adverse
to all these blasphemy, profanity, idolatry, and Sabbath violation. Can it be possible that an inspired
apostle could use this term in any narrower sense, particularly
in defining a divine ordinance? To all these the rulers here
meant are for a terror. They enact such laws, and so
administer these enactments, as that all disorder, vice, and
open disregard to God and religion may be discontinenced, and, when
circumstances demand this, restrained. Here, again, we may appeal to
collateral sources of argument, to the uniform testimony of the
Word of God, and to the examples of all enlightened nations. To
the former we need only refer. From the patriarchal ages onward
until the canon of Old Testament revelation none can doubt that
divinely approved civil governments, and acts of civil rulers, are
of this character a terror to evil works, and in the new, so
far as this aspect of national institutions is referred to,
we have but the continuation of the same teachings. The law,
says Paul meaning, in part, at least, the law of God as established
among the Jews is not made for righteous man, but for the lawless
and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sinners, and etc., and
if there be any other thing, that is contrary to sound doctrine. 1 Timothy 1, 9-10. Nor has any Christian nation
found itself able fully to reduce to practice any other theory.
In words, many do, indeed, deny that acts injurious to morality
even, and more, that acts hurtful to religion, can rightfully become
subjects of cognizance by the magistrate, but just so far as
Christian principle has made itself felt, either directly
or by tradition, among any people, have they been obliged to conform
to the apostle's definition, very defectively it is true,
in most instances, but still sufficiently to show that Christian
sense and a regard for the general welfare of society, will not
be satisfied without some acknowledgement of the principle. Hence, the
laws by which the Sabbath is guarded laws against shameful
vices laws against blasphemy and profanity, or to present
the same fact in a more general and more striking form, whereas
the government that would think itself justifiable in guarding
against the spread of acknowledged moral good, as they do of moral
evil, nor does it weaken the force of our argument, drawn
from the practice of nations, that the legislation to which
we have referred is affirmed to be only an indirect way of
answering what some call the only-ended civil rule the preservation
of peace and of property. At all events, it is admitted
to be necessary and if necessary, there can be no question whatever
that this sort of governmental action was contemplated in the
institution itself. So far as our present purpose
is concerned, this is enough, for Paul, certainly, did not
intend to omit, in his definition of the functions of rulers, a
class of acts without which they cannot carry on a permanently
wholesome administration of affairs. On every ground, then, we maintain
that Paul designs, in these phrases, to furnish us with a summary,
but very comprehensive, view of the official character of
such rulers, as may lawfully claim our conscientious allegiance
and subjection. They are such as render themselves
a terror not to good works, in any sound sense, but to the evil
in every sense in which outward acts are so. Such are the powers
whom God has ordained, such he owns as his ministers, that resistance
offered to these offends him. All this we will find amply confirmed
by the Apostle himself when he proceeds, immediately, to apply
the general statement to the different classes of citizens
in the state, to the good and the bad. 2. Section 4 The application
of these principles to the case both of good and bad citizens.
Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is
good, and thou wilt have praise of the same, for he is the minister
of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is
evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain, for he
is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon us that
doeth evil. Verses 3 and 4. In these clauses
Paul applies, and, in so doing, more fully illustrates, the doctrines
previously taught in regard to the functions of the civil magistrate,
He makes this application first, to the case of the upright and
faithful citizen. And 1. Good conduct will secure
certain advantages under such a government as he has described. 5 3, Wilt thou then not be afraid
of the power? Do that which is good, and thou
shalt have praise of the same. The first clause seems to be
intended to meet an objection, an objection to this effect civil
government is armed with terror it addresses itself to the fears
of men and, hence, it is inconsistent for a Christian to regard it
at all. Well, says Paul, wilt thou not be afraid? Dost thou
wish not to be afraid? Do that which is good, and you
need cherish no fear. The law, as armed with penal
sanctions, is not for the righteous man. 1 Timothy 1, 9. Such, by the grace of God enlightening
and guiding them, are law to themselves, and etc., hence may
live, and do live, under just civil rule without fear, at least,
without slavish fear without any such fear, as is adverse
to unalloyed Christian peace. And even more, do that which
is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same. It is not,
of course, to be inferred, from this language, that civil government
is instituted for the purpose of conferring rewards, in any
gross form, upon even the best citizens still good conduct secures
praise, for by an upright, peaceable and Christian deportment, good
citizens acquire reputation and influence, and, in such a government
as Paul describes, this class of citizens, and this only, would
be admitted to places of power and trust, These are no mean
rewards. It is no inconsiderable result
of becoming conduct, that it attracts the favorable regard
of the community, and opens the way to seats of more eminent
influence. 2. This the apostle proceeds
to confirm. 5 4. For he is the minister of
God to thee for good. We have here a twofold argument
one drawn from the relation, which the magistrate bears to
God, another from the end of his appointment. 1. the magistrate
is God's servant. For he is the minister diakonoj
of God, and that in a sense, not materially different from
that in which ministers are styled diakonoj servants of Christ.
They are so, inasmuch as they administer a divinely appointed
ecclesiastical constitution, and perform, in Christ's name,
duties which he has prescribed, and this for the attainment of
ends clearly expressed in the laws pertaining to the Church's
organization. So civil rulers, for the, also,
our call to administer a divine institution for the promotion
of the ends contemplated in the ordinance of civil society the
parallel holds in another most important particular. The servant
of Christ is, necessarily, under law to Christ, not only as accountable
to him for the manner in which his serve is performed, but as
the very performance itself is regulated by laws which Christ,
his master, has enacted, And so, with some limitations, we
assert of the civil ruler. He is not, indeed, furnished
with a complete code of laws, but he has sufficiently clear
intimations, particularly with the Bible before him, of the
will of his master he is to be a terror, not to good works,
but to the evil. And now the parallel ought surely
to hold in another respect, who will say that that man is a servant
of Christ, even although he occupy the seat, and professes to act
in that character, no matter how many acknowledge him, who
disregards the law of Christ, perverts their gospel, and tramples
on the rights of his people. What Protestant, for example,
acknowledges the Pope of Rome, as a servant of Christ, And yet
he has his millions of votaries, and claims to be Christ's vicegerent. He is a servant of Christ, who
serves Christ. So, in the case of civil rule,
how can he be the servant of God, in administering civil rule,
who either denies God's supremacy, or perverts the ends of government,
and, particularly, if he also employ his power against God,
his law, his gospel, his church and his son. www.covenanter.org
web link govthivel govth section ivhtm but, to return, the magistrate
is God's servant, and, hence, it must be the end and design
of his office to do God's work. God is his master, whose law,
gospel, glory and kingdom the magistrate must seek to promote,
as God is appraised to them that do well, so must the ruler be
also, for he is called to act as a servant. 2. The magistrate
is God's servant for the good of God's people. The minister
of God to thee for good. To thee. To whom? To every citizen, certainly.
The design of the appointment of civil rulers is, that they
may be useful, that they may be employed in securing the rights,
the liberty, the safety, the property, of every citizen. As
previously remarked, the civil authority extends it aegis over
every person and every interest in the commonwealth. Are we at
liberty to exclude the Christian citizen? Assuredly not. Indeed, Paul seems to refer with
peculiar emphasis to the godly. To them he addresses this epistle.
By what right, then, does anyone undertake to say that, in this
phrase, Paul alludes only to the citizen, and that, merely
in reference to his common social rights? Every rule of interpretation
forbids this. We do not affirm that he means
the church alone not even the church directly, but we are sure
that it is handling the word of God most unfairly, to exclude
the church and the faithful in their character as servants of
Christ. And can we conceive it possible that God has set up
such an institution, armed with such powers, and yet has done
this, without any regard to the safety, the assistance of his
own friends, the disciples of his Son, in that great work too,
which they have been especially and imperatively called, This
is impossible the thought is dishonoring to God. The magistrate
is set up, that he may guard the rights of every member of
the community protect the weak against the strong restrain all
violence promote every good work, and so secure the welfare of
the whole community, but surely, as God's servant he must have
a special concern for the name, and cause, and kingdom of God,
as these are, in a still higher sense, adjusted to the faithful
and exemplified in them. But, is this all? Has the minister
of God fulfilled his whole functions, when he merely secures the religious
liberties of the faithful? He has not. He is a minister
for good. As God's servant to do his work,
he must seek, by some positive acts, the good of the friends
of God. He must be, in this sense, a
praise to them that do well. He must give them encouragement
and sustain them in their Christian efforts. In a word, he must copy
the example of the patriarchs, for, as we have already seen,
this was required of them. He must copy the example of godly
rulers in Israel as far as the general principle is concerned,
for this was required imperatively of them. He must not fall behind
even heathen kings, who, like Cyrus, passed decrees and promoted
their execution, for the re-building of Jerusalem and the establishment
of God's worship. 2. Paul applies the doctrine
respecting the ends of government to the case of bad citizens.
5 4. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid for he beareth
not the sword in vain for he is the minister of God, a revenger
to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. In these clauses
we have the reverse picture of the action of the right civil
government. The same general arrangement is followed-1. The
apostle asserts that evil doers have reason to fear its power.
But if thou do evil be afraid. This, no doubt, refers to such
evil acts as strike directly at the authority of government,
the peace of society and the property, the reputation, or
the life of well-disposed citizens. But, it embraces more. Unless
we are prepared to limit it as neither the word of God nor the
practice of enlightened nations warrants, it must be interpreted
in a wider sense, so as to include acts committed against the laws
of morality such as profanity, blasphemy, and open dishonor
done to God and His Christ to, such as commit these the faithful
rule as a terror, they may justly fear Him. This statement Paul,
2. In the second place, confirms
for 1. The magistrate is invested with
punitive power, he beareth the sword. This language is partially
figurative. The sword is the emblem of the
power of civil government to inflict pains and penalties.
In this respect, civil authority stands in direct and striking
contrast to ecclesiastical, for the latter has no other power
than that which appeals to the understanding, the heart, and
the conscience it can act by means of admonition, reproof,
exhortation, and, in the last resort, can place the erroneous
and the immoral outside the pale of the visible church. Civil
authority sustains itself, and enforces its enactment by penalties
of a different sort, when necessary. It uses force, not as the only
means of securing conformity to its decrees, for it also may
use admonition and persuasion but, as the last resort, when
milder measures fail. The sword, moreover, is an instrument
of death for, so far as this even may the magistrate go, in
the punishment of signal crimes, either against the state or its
citizens. Still, we are not to infer that
every crime is to be punished with this extreme penalty. Far
from it. The sword here is, we repeat
an emblem, the power of the sword comprehending every grade of
penal infliction, from the smallest fine to the severest sort of
punishment. Civil rulers are endowed with power to affix and
execute suitable penal sanctions. 2. Rulers, such as Paul here
intends, will, in this respect, do their duty. He beareth not
the sword in vain. The righteous magistrate, who
knows his place, and has a proper sense of the nature and functions
of the magistracy, will not allow the transgressors of law to escape
with impunity. He not only bears the sword he
is not only armed with it just authority he will use the sword
it will not lie idly in the scabbard, he will exercise the power with
which he has been invested. faithful to his calling and to
the great interests of social and moral order, the upright
civil functionary, whether in a higher or an inferior station,
will not permit God's authority to be impugned, or the interests
of society to suffer, from unrestrained lawlessness from flagrant breaches
of the peace from rampant immorality from gross, avowed and open hostility
to the name and law of God. to be indifferent to these, or
to administer law partially, inflicting punishment upon the
weak and unprotected, while the evil deeds of the elevated and
strong are winked at, is a virtual abdication of power. Such may
bear the sword, but they bear it in vain. They are no more
rulers, as Paul speaks of the, the he is a soldier, who neglects
or refuses to draw his sword in the heat of the conflict they
inspire no terror, evil is put under no salutary restraints,
evil in its worst forms, at least. In short, the magistrate, who
can claim the subjection here and join is no idler, he acts,
even in this, the most trying department of his office, for
three. He is the minister of God, So Paul has already, in
the first clause of this verse, styled the magistrate, but in
a different connection in a different aspect of his functions. Then
he considered him as engaged in ministering to the welfare
of the good and honest, particularly Christian citizens here as the
minister of God in another aspect, and yet not in any materially
different sense. God is good. He is a beneficial
sovereign. He has established institutions
among man for the good of man, and committed their administration
to the hands of men. So far as they come up to the
standard, these institutions, in their actual operation, exercise
a salutary influence over all who subject themselves to their
sway and direction. But God is also just a righteous
law giver. The divine government gives no
countenance to sin it is ever against it. And, hence, the Most
High has invested all His institutions with some kind and degree of
restraining power, and has given them laws, by which they are
to be guided in the disciplinary or punitive department of their
functions. In this sense, parents are ministers
of God, in the training of their children church officers in the
exercise of discipline, and, now, we add, civil rulers in
the inflictions of penal law. servants of God, for they enact
by His authority, and are limited and directed by His supreme and
sovereign enactments. But why does Paul introduce this
here? Partly to justify the penal administration
of law, partly to gain due respect for the magistrate in this responsible
and difficult part of his magistratical calling, and partly to confirm
the preceding statement, that the magistracy of which he treats
will not allow the wicked to pass. This Reformation audio
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a free printed catalog. And remember that John Calvin,
in defending the Reformation's regulative principle of worship,
or what is sometimes called the scriptural law of worship, commenting
on the words of God, which I commanded them not, neither came into my
heart, from his commentary on Jeremiah 731, writes, God here
cuts off from men every occasion for making evasions. since he
condemns by this one phrase, I have not commanded them, whatever
the Jews devised. There is then no other argument
needed to condemn superstitions than that they are not commanded
by God. For when men allow themselves to worship God according to their
own fancies, and attend not to His commands, they pervert true
religion. And if this principle was adopted
by the Papists, all those fictitious modes of worship in which they
absurdly exercise themselves would fall to the ground. It
is indeed a horrible thing for the Papists to seek to discharge
their duties towards God by performing their own superstitions. There
is an immense number of them, as it is well known, and as it
manifestly appears. Were they to admit this principle,
that we cannot rightly worship God except by obeying His word,
they would be delivered from their deep abyss of error. The
Prophet's words, then, are very important. When he says, that
God had commanded no such thing, and that it never came to his
mind, as though he had said that men assume too much wisdom when
they devise what he never required, nay, what he never knew.