This Reformation audio resource is a production of Stillwaters Revival Books. There is no copyright on this material and we encourage you to reproduce it and pass it on to your friends. Many free resources as well as our complete mail-order catalog containing classic and contemporary Puritan and Reformed books at great discounts is on the web at www.swrb.com. We can also be reached by email at swrb at swrb.com, by phone at area code 780-450-3730, by fax at 780-468-1096, or by mail at 4710-37A Avenue, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. T6L3T5 If you do not have a web connection, please request the free printed catalog. History of the Westminster Assembly of Divines by William M. Hetherington as read by Leah Domes Preface In common with all true Presbyterians, I have often regretted the want of a history of the Westminster Assembly of Divines. by whose labors were produced the confession of faith, the directory of public worship, the form of church government, and the catechisms, which has so long been held as the standards of the Presbyterian churches throughout the world. Especially in such a time as the present, when all distinctive Presbyterian principles are not only called in question, but also misrepresented and condemned, Such a want has become absolutely unendurable, unless Presbyterians are willing to permit their Church to perish under a load of unanswered, yet easily refuted, calumny. And as the best refutation of calumny is a plain and direct statement of truth, it is by that process that I have endeavored to vindicate the principles and the character of the Presbyterian Church. When contemplating the subject, There were two not very reconcilable ideas before my mind. The one was to restrict the work to such a size as might keep it within the reach of all Presbyterians, even those whose means were more limited than their inclinations, but who equally needed and desired information. The other was to give detail sufficiently minute and conclusive to place the whole matter fully and fairly before the mind of the reader, that he might be able to form an accurate judgment respecting the character and proceedings of the Westminster Assembly, and also of the Church and people of Scotland, who are so intimately connected with it. How far these conflicting purposes have been reconciled, it is for others to judge. This, however, I may be permitted to say, that no pains have been spared in the endeavor to ascertain the truth in even the most minute points which required investigation. Almost every book or pamphlet of any importance written at the time or by men whose course of inquiries had led them to traverse that period have been carefully read. I had indeed entertained the design of giving a complete list of all the productions in book or pamphlet form which had been consulted or perused But, in honest sincerity, I confess that I shrunk from doing so, lest it might seem too like mere ostentation. For a similar reason, but one or two references to authorities in each instance have been given, when it would have been equally easy to have produced half a dozen, and I have chiefly referred to original authorities. rather than to those which may be got in the common histories of the period. For there can be little use in quoting Hume, and Brody, and Lange, and Godwin, and D'Israeli, when we have before us the original authorities on which their statements are founded. By adopting this method, I have also avoided the necessity of encumbering my work with digressive corrections of the erroneous or distorted views generally given by these historians, and their accounts of the Westminster Assembly and of the conduct of the Presbyterians. Inquiries have been frequently made respecting the manuscript of the Westminster Assembly's proceedings, kept by the scribes or clerks of the Assembly, but that important document appears to be irrecoverably lost. One account states that it was burned in the Great Fire of London in the year 1666. It was long thought that a copy of it had been taken and was preserved in the library of Dyne College. And some aver that this was actually the case, and that it too was destroyed in the fire which burned the House of Commons in 1834, having been placed there along with other manuscript records relating to the Church of Scotland during the inquiries of the Committee on Patronage. We are informed by Bailey that many members of the Assembly employed themselves in taking copious notes during the course of the discussions in which they were engaged. It might have been expected that several of these manuscript notebooks would have been still extant by comparing which the loss of the Assembly's own record might have been in a great measure supplied. None, however, have been published except Whitefoot's journal and Bailey's letters and Gillespie's notes, which are accordingly the most minute and authentic accounts that can now be obtained. The edition of Bailey to which I have referred is that admirable one recently published under the care of David Lang, Esquire. To that gentleman, to the librarians of the Advocates and the Theological Libraries, to the Reverend Dr. Cunningham, the Reverend Dr. McCree, the Reverend Dr. Gould, the late Reverend Samuel Martin of Bathgate, and the Reverend Robert Craig of Rossay. I take this opportunity of expressing my grateful thanks for the access which they so readily gave me to their literary stores. Dr. Thomas Goodwin, one of the leading independent divines, wrote 15 volumes of notes or journals of the Assembly's proceedings, as we are informed in the memoir of his life by his son. three only of which are still preserved in Dr. Williams Library, London. It was my intention to have consulted these, but I found it impracticable at the time. There are in the Advocates Library, Edinburgh, two manuscript volumes of notes by Gillespie, one in quarto, the other in octavo, both of which I have been courteously permitted to peruse. They seem to be transcripts from the original, and at the two the octavo is the more complete. They both begin February 2nd, 1644. The quarto ends May 22nd and the octavo October 25th, the same year. Their chief value consists in the complete corroboration which they furnish to the printed accounts of Lightfoot and Bailey. as we'll be seeing from an extract inserted in the appendix. But, they would be well worthy of publication in any collected edition of Gillespie's works, as has recently been done. In tracing the controversies by which both Church and Kingdom were agitated during the deliberations of the Westminster Assembly, it has been my endeavor to avoid, as much as possible, giving a controversial aspect to my own production. My duty was to relate faithfully what was said, written, and done by the eminent men of that period. And in discharging that duty, I have often felt it expedient to transcribe their own language as the most impartial way of recording their sentiments. And when occasionally stating my own opinions, I have striven to do so as fairly and impartially as may well be expected from one who does not hesitate to acknowledge that he feels deeply and warmly interested in everything that relates to Presbyterian principles and character. Certainly I have no wish to misrepresent either the opinions or the practice of any body of sincere Christians. Least of all would I censure harshly the errors in which pious and earnest-hearted men were driven by prolatic persecution, or into which they fell in the sudden revulsion produced by its overthrow and in the excitement arising from unwanted religious liberty. Let me trust that evangelical dissenters will give credit to the sincerity of the feelings which I thus avow. There is no pleasure in recording the errors of the good and the follies of the wise, but there may be much advantage if we are thereby taught to shun the error and the folly and to imitate only the goodness and the wisdom. The plan of compression within the narrowest practicable limits which I have adopted has prevented me from recording many particulars of much interest and importance. But should time and health be spared me, I may at some future period resume the task and attempt to produce a work on the subject at once more minute and more comprehensive. In the meantime, if my present work shall be found to have vindicated the character of that truly venerable body of Presbyterian divines from the unjust dispersions by which it has been so long assailed, and to have rendered the principles which they held and the objects which they sought to accomplish more clear and intelligible than they have hitherto been, I shall be amply recompensed. Especially if, in pointing out the errors into which contending parties fell, and the way in which these errors and contentions might have been avoided, I shall have succeeded to any degree in directing the minds of all sincere Christians to contemplate the necessity and the practicability of realizing now the great idea of a general evangelical union, far more extensive and complete than could have been either hoped for or attained at the period of the Westminster Assembly. Torfachin, Vance, May 1843. Prefatory note to the third edition. In preparing a new edition of the history of the Westminster Assembly, I have both given it a careful revision for the purpose of correcting inaccuracies and inserting such further information as renewed inquiries had afforded. And in an additional chapter, I have furnished an outline of the theological productions of that learned and venerable body, thereby supplying what had been complained of as defective, the proof that their labors were not merely controversial. I have also enlarged the appendix. by giving brief biographical sketches of the Scottish Commissioners to the Assembly, and a note on Philip Nye, the leading independent divine, investigating the question how far he is entitled to be regarded as the man who first proclaimed the great principle of religious liberty. And I venture to entertain the hope that these editions, amounting in all to about 50 pages, will be found to have increased the value of the work, and to have rendered it somewhat more worthy of that public favor with which it has already in previous editions been honored." Edinburgh, May 1856. History of the Westminster Assembly. Hetherington's summary of Chapter 1 reads as follows. Quarrel between Henry VIII and the Pope. Henry Assumes the Supremacy of the Church of England Overthrow of the Monastic System and Partial Reformation Six Articles Death of Henry Accession of Edward VI Progress of Reformation Homilies Liturgy Book of Ordination Cooper's Opposition to the Ceremonies Articles Death of Edward Ascension of Mary, Restoration of Potpourri, Persecution, Frankfurt, Puritans, Death of Mary and Ascension of Elizabeth, Revived Supremacy, Check to Reformation, Ceremonies, Convocation of 1562 with which all Reformation ceased, General View of the Puritan Controversy, Harsh conduct of Parker. The Puritans begin to form a separate body. Their opinions. Imprisoned. Parliament attempt to interfere. The Puritans associate for mutual instruction. Form a presbytery. The Queen and Grindahl. Rise of the Brownists. Wit gift. Increase severity. Bancroft's Giro Divino Prolicy Martin's Mar-Prelate Tracts Sabbath Controversy Death of Elizabeth and Accession of James Hampton Court Conference Opinion of the Judges on the Powers of the High Commission Rise of the Independents The Book of Sports Resistance to Political Tyranny Combination Death of James and accession of Charles. Contest with Parliament. Laud. Contest with Scotland. The Long Parliament. Impeachment of Stratford and Laud. Smectimness. The Army Plot. Incident. Irish Massacre. Remonstrance. Protestation of the Bishops. Abolition of the Hierarchy Intercourse with Scotland Ordinance, Calling and Assembly of the Vines Summary Chapter 1 Introductory The remark has frequently been made accompanied with expressions of surprise and regret that no separate historical account of the Westminster Assemblies of Vines has yet been written. Every person who has directed his attention to the events of the 17th century, whether with regard to their civil or their religious aspect, has felt that it was impossible fully to understand either the one or the other line of study without taking into view the character of the Westminster Assembly, the purpose for which it met, and the result of its deliberations. Yet, notwithstanding this universally felt necessity, the subject has never received an adequate investigation, and consequently still remains in such obscurity as renders it exposed to every kind of misrepresentation. Some have regarded it as comparatively an isolated event, not very influential on those around it, and serving chiefly to display in a combined form the characters of the men and measures of those times. Others have viewed it as the abortive attempt of a parcel of narrow-minded and yet ambitious fanatics, serving to reveal their dangerous pretensions and then, by its failure, exposing them to deserved ridicule. The mere student of civil history will doubtless see little in it to attract his notice. Engrossed, as his attention will be, by the schemes of politicians and the den of arms. While, on the other hand, the mere theologian will generally be little disposed to regard anything about it, except its productions. But the man who penetrates a little deeper into the nature of those unrevealed but powerful influences which move a nation's mind and mold its destinies will be ready to direct his attention more profoundly to the objects and deliberations of an assembly which met at a moment so critical and was composed of the great masterminds of the age. And the theologian who has learned to view religion as the vital principle of human nature, equally in nations and in the individual man, will not easily admit the weak idea that such an assembly could have been an isolated event, but will be disposed earnestly to inquire what led to its meeting. and what important consequences followed. And although the subject has not hitherto been investigated with such a view, it may, we trust, be possible to prove that it was the most important event in the century in which it occurred, and that it has exerted, and in all probability will yet exert, a far more wide and permanent influence upon both the civil and the religious history of mankind than has generally been even imagined. Intimately connected as the Westminster Assembly was, both with the civil and the religious history of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, it will be absolutely necessary to give a preliminary outline of the leading events in both countries from the time of the Reformation to the meeting of the Assembly, in order that a clear conception may be obtained of the cause of its meeting, the circumstances in which it met, and the object which it was intended to accomplish. We shall then be in a fit condition to investigate the proceedings of the Assembly itself, to understand their true character, to mark their direct bearing, and to trace their more remote results. The circumstances that led to the disagreement between Henry VIII and the Pope are so well known that it is unnecessary to do more than merely allude to them. Whether Henry actually began to entertain conscientious scruples respecting the lawfulness of his marriage with Catherine of Aragon, his brother Arthur's widow, before he became enamored of Anne Boleyn, or whether his incipient affection for that lady induced him to devise a method of being released from his wife, is an inquiry of no great moment in itself, except as to its bearing on the character of the monarch. Suffice it to state that the King consulted the Archbishop of Canterbury. and required him to procure the opinions of the Bishops of England on the subject. All, with the exception of Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, declared that in their judgment it was an unlawful marriage. But as a dispensation had been obtained from the Pope before the marriage took place, it became necessary to procure a papal recognition of the intended divorce, which was a matter of no little difficulty. both because such a measure would seem to invalidate a previous papal bull, to the discredit of the doctrine of infallibility, and because there would arise a serious question respecting the legitimacy of the Princess Mary, and offense might be taken by the King of Spain. All these dangers were clearly seen by Cardinal Wolsey, who accordingly, without venturing directly to oppose the King's desire, contrived to cause delays to procure evasive answers, and to protract the proceedings by every method which fear of the issue could prompt and deep craft could devise. At length Cranmer, till then a comparatively unknown man, suggested that instead of a long, fruitless negotiation at Rome, it would be better to consult all the learned men and universities of Christendom, to ascertain whether the marriage were unlawful in itself by virtue of any divine precept. For if that were proved, then it would follow that the Pope's dispensation could be of no force to make that lawful which God has declared unlawful." Footnote. Burnett's History of the Reformation. Volume 1, page 125. End of footnote. When the king heard of this suggestion, he immediately adopted it, sent for Cranmer, received him into favor, and placed such confidence in his honor, integrity, and judgment that it was never afterwards thoroughly shaken, either by the artifices of enemies or the varying moods of the capricious sovereign himself. Cranlow prosecuted the scheme which he had suggested so successfully that he procured, both from the English universities and from nearly all the learned men in Europe, answers to the effect that the King's marriage was contrary to the law of God. These answers were laid before the Parliament, which met in January 1531, and assented to by both Houses, as also by the convocation of the clergy, which was met at the same time. Still the people had not consented, and the hostility between him and Henry was necessarily increased by what had taken place regarding the proposed divorce. Henry was not disposed to pause now, till he should have secured his power over the clergy. And as they were all implicated in some of Wolsey's proceedings, which had been declared to have involved him in a premier, they were held to be amendable to all its penalties. The danger rendered them submissive, and in the convocation at Canterbury, a petition was agreed upon to be offered to the King, in which he was styled the Protector and Supreme Head of the Church, and the Clergy of England. Gratified with this title, the King granted a pardon to the clergy, but did not, as they had probably expected, permit it to remain an empty title. In May 1532, he informed the House of Commons that he had learned that all the prelates, at their consecration, swore an oath quite contrary to that which they swore to the Crown. so that it seemed that they were the Pope's subjects rather than his, referring it to their care to take such order in it that the King might not be deluded. The prologation of the Parliament prevented the immediate collision between the civil and the ecclesiastical powers, which the investigation of that point would have caused. But it was now abundantly evident on what the King had bent his mind. The question respecting the Pope's supremacy was now the subject of inquiry and discussion throughout the Kingdom, and at length it was formally brought before Parliament. And on the 20th of March, 1534-35, a bill was passed abolishing papal supremacy in England and declaring the King to be the Supreme Head of the Church of England. And in the following June, a circular letter was sent by the King not only to all the bishops, but also to all the justices of the peace, requiring the universal promulgation of the decree respecting the abolition of the Pope's supremacy and the recognition of his own, and empowering the civil functionaries to ascertain whether the clergy did their duty sincerely. So delighted was King Henry with his title of Supreme Head of the Church that he caused it to be enacted that it should be forever joined to the other titles of the Crown, and be reckoned one of them, and even caused the seal to be cut for public use in his new ecclesiastical office. And when directing a visitation of the whole clergy of England, dated the 18th of September 1535, added these words, under our seal that we use in ecclesiastical matters, which we have ordered to be hereunto appended." It will be at once seen that the title of Supreme Head of the Church and the power in ecclesiastical matters which arose from it were claimed by Henry not as a necessary means for promoting Reformation nor from any religious conviction that the Pope's assumption of it was in itself sinful, but solely from a desire of rescuing himself from any control, and for the purpose of possessing in his own person the most full and absolute power that could be imagined. And it rendered it at once a matter of utter impossibility for the Church of England to prosecute its own Reformation according to the deliberate judgment of its most enlightened members, whatever might be their opinion of the requirements of the Word of God. To this fatal dogma of the King's supremacy and headship of the Church of England may be directly traced nearly all the corruptions of that Church, and nearly all the subsequent civil calamities of the British Isles. For it would not be difficult to prove that there can be no security for either civil or religious liberty in any country where the supreme civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions are both possessed by the same ruling power. It matters little whether the ruling power be ecclesiastical, holding the civil subordinate to it, as does the papacy, or civil, holding the ecclesiastical subordinate, as in the case of Henry and his successors. for in either case the result is a despotism under which the people must sink into utter degradation or against which they are provoked from time to time to rise in all the dangerous fierceness of revolutionary convulsion. But it is enough merely to suggest this view at present. It will demand more particular examination in future stages of our inquiries. Almost the first public use made by the king of his acknowledged supremacy in religion was to send Cranmer, now Archbishop of Canterbury, on a visitation of the monasteries throughout the kingdom. It was no difficult matter to convict these popish institutions of such crimes and abominations as are not fit to be mentioned. Equal says Burnet to any that were in Sodom. so that their suppression was but the sweeping away of a great moral nuisance, too loathsome any longer to be endured. It served, at the same time, as a measure by which the king's coffers were replenished, some of his favorites enriched, and the better part of the nation gratified by the removal of a system of enormities which had been long regarded with extreme detestation. About the same time, it was resolved that the Bible should be translated into English, and published for the instruction of the community, though this was strenuously resisted by a large proportion of the clergy, and carried only by the influence of Cranmer and the Queen. The fall of the Queen, which took place soon after, threatened to retard the progress of the Reformation, and the Pope attempted a reconciliation with the King. but Henry had no inclination to subject himself again to papal control, and following Cranmer's advice, he proceeded to make further changes. In the year 1536, the Convocation were induced to agree to certain articles of religion, which were accordingly promulgated under royal authority. In these articles the standards of faith were declared to be the Bible, the Apostolic, Nicene and Athanasian creeds, and the decrees of the first four General Councils, without regard to tradition or the decrees of the Church, and the doctrine of justification was declared to signify remission of sins and acceptation into the favor of God, that is to say, a perfect renovation in Christ. But oracular confession was held to be necessary, the corporal presence of Christ in the sacrament was maintained, doing reverence to images and praying to saints were approved of, and various other corruptions and mere ceremonial observances were left untouched." Footnote, Burnett's History of the Reformation, Volume 1, pages 333-338. End of footnote. This limited Reformation gave little satisfaction to any, one party thinking it too much and the other too little. Yet it tended to encourage those who wished reform, with the hope that what was thus begun would be gradually and thoroughly accomplished. 1539 In the year 1538 the English translation of the Bible was published, and injunctions were given to all the clergy to procure these Bibles one for each church, and to encourage all persons to peruse them, condemning at the same time the worship of images, and permitting the prayers to saints to be omitted. But while the Reformers were rejoicing in this apparently rapid progress of their good work, their hopes were suddenly cast to the ground and their prospects darkened. The very next year the King on the pretext of putting an end to controversies in religion required a committee to be appointed for the purpose of drawing up articles of agreement to which all might consent. The committee could not agree, and the subject was brought before the House of Lords by the Duke of Norfolk, who named six articles for discussion. Notwithstanding the opposition of Cranmer, these articles were passed, and all the kingdom commanded to receive them, the penalty of opposition being imprisonment, forfeiture of property, or death as heretics. They contain the following tenets, the real presence in the sacrament, communion in one kind only, the celibacy of the priesthood, that vows of chastity made by either sex should be observed, that private masses should be continued and that auricular confession was necessary and should be retained in the church." Footnote, Burnett's History of the Reformation, Volume 1, pages 400 and 401. End of footnote. By this act it was rendered abundantly evident that little of potpourri had been removed but the name, or rather that England had obtained instead of an ecclesiastical, a royal pope. Yet, with remarkable inconsistency, or at least want of penetration, the king very soon after consented to an act permitting private persons to purchase Bibles and keep them in their own possession. The short-sighted despot did not perceive that the private use of the Scriptures would soon teach his people the right of private judgment also in matters of religion, which all his boasted supremacy would not long be able to control. The fall of Cromwell, caused in a great measure by the intrigues of the Popish party, allowed them to regain considerable ascendancy and retarded the progress of Reformation, though it still continued slowly to gain ground. An attempt was made by the Popish bishops to procure the suppression of the Bible, on the ostensible ground of its being an inaccurate translation. This, however, they did not obtain. But an act was made about religion, the effect of which was to empower the king to confirm, rescind, or change any act, or any provision in any act, that treated of religion. A more complete and arbitrary supremacy in all matters of religion than was now possessed by Henry, it is almost impossible to imagine. And the effect was correspondent to the cause, for the king, guided alone by his own fierce and capricious will, was almost equally hostile to both parties, copish and reforming, inflicting the extreme penalty of death upon either with indiscriminate severity. But the death of the king rescued the nation from intolerable oppression, and gave opportunity for the more earnest and successful prosecution of the great work of reformation under his young and amiable successor. 1547 No sooner had the suitable arrangement of civil affairs been effected by the Regency than Cranmer, supported by the Protector Somerset, and countenanced by the young King Edward VI, resumed the important duty of prosecuting the Reformation of the Church. By an act of the preceding reign, the Proclamation of the King or of his counsellors if underage, with the sufficient authority to enable them to proceed as if by act of Parliament in cases not otherwise provided for, so as not to encroach on the just liberties of the subject, or to interfere with other acts or proclamations. They accordingly sent out visitors over England, which was for that purpose divided into six circuits, The duty of those visitors was to inquire into all church matters, to redress all wrongs, and remove all abuses, and particularly to ascertain the sufficiency or insufficiency of the clergy throughout the country. Along with these visitors, they sent the most eminent preachers that could be found, to communicate sound and full instruction in the true principles of religion to both clergy and people. and to remedy the deplorable ignorance which everywhere prevailed among the clergy. Some were appointed to compile homilies, explanatory of the most important doctrines and duties of Christianity. Several of these homilies contain very clear and forcible statements and elucidations of sacred truth. Others are less valuable, and some are not a little erroneous in several respects. They were, however, well-fitted to meet the necessities of an ignorant clergy and an uninstructed people. But it could scarcely have been dreamed by Cranmer that the method devised by him for the remedy of a disease would be retained for its perpetuation, that because he provided sermons and prayers for those who could neither preach nor pray, that would come to be regarded as a precedent of force enough to prevent learned and pious men from preparing sermons and prayers for themselves. 1548 The next reforming step was an act permitting the communion to be received in both kinds, then followed another prohibiting private masses. A catechism was soon afterwards prepared by Cranmer. In proceeding to investigate the offices or ritual of the church, It was at length determined that a new liturgy should be prepared, as the best method of getting quit of the superstitions by which that in present use was disfigured. This liturgy was confirmed by Act of Parliament in the year 1548-49, and its use commanded on the ultimate penalty of imprisonment for life. Footnote, Bernard's History of the Reformation, Volume 2, Pages 116 and 127. End of footnote. About the same time, there were several severe proceedings against Anabaptist and other sectaries, one of whom, Jonah Kent, was condemned to the stake. But the mild and gentle young king could not be induced to sign the warrant for her execution without the urgent persuasion of Cranmer himself who, in this instance, as also in those of Lambert and Anne Askew, in the preceding reign, forgot the spirit of that gentle and gracious religion of which he was so eminent a teacher and reformer." Footnote, Ibidum, Vol. 2, p. 179. End of footnote. 1550-51. The Book of Ordinations was next made and ratified. which had a strong tendency to give a character of fixed rigidity to the Church of England. The evil consequence of undue strictness in matters of mere form and ceremony was soon apparent, when Hooper refused to be consecrated as a bishop in the Episcopal vestments. This simple-minded and sincere reformer condemned these vestments as human inventions, brought in by tradition or custom. and not suitable to the simplicity of the Christian religion." Footnote, Ibitum, Volume 2, page 245 and on. End of footnote. Few impartial persons will doubt that he was perfectly in the right, both in point of fact and in propriety of feeling, for no one can deny the human origin of such matters. and few will regard them as conferring dignity on the gospel, so glorious in its divine simplicity. But he was to learn one direct consequence of the sovereign supremacy, namely, that there is to be an order of the clergy decked with courtly adornment, and in that respect at least, conform to the world, contrary to the apostolic precept. A great and widespread controversy arose on this subject. Correspondence was held with foreign churches and divines, with the view of ascertaining their opinion, respecting the lawfulness of obeying the civil magistrate's order to use such vestments in the worship of God. Various opinions were given, many of the best and wisest men being extremely grieved that dangerous disputes should arise about matters not in their own nature of vital importance. Fuser recommended compliance, but wished these vestments disused, as connected with superstition and a more complete Reformation established. At length a compromise was effected. Cooper was required to wear the Episcopal vestments when he was consecrated and when he preached before the king or in a cathedral. but was permitted to lay them aside on other occasions. This slight matter was a sufficient indication that the Reformation was to be stopped whenever it had reached as far as the king and court thought proper, and that those who wished for a further Reformation and aimed at again realizing primitive simplicity and purity would be constrained to pause and painfully to submit to what they could not remedy. It might have been regarded as of little consequence what vestments were worn in public worship, but it was a matter of grave and serious import to find that conscientious feelings and affairs of religion were to be overborne by the dictate of the civil magistrates. From this time forward there began to be a party in England who longed for a more complete reformation than had been or could be obtained, although it was not till a considerably later period that this party attracted public attention under a distinctive name. 1552 In the year 1552, the alterations which had been made in the Book of Common Prayer by the Reformers during the course of the preceding year were ratified by Act of Parliament and ordered to be universally employed. under the penalties by which the previous liturgy had been enforced. In the same year, the Articles of Religion were prepared, chiefly by Cranmer and Ridley, and published by the King's Authority a short time before his lamented death. A book was also drawn up for giving rules to the ecclesiastical courts in all matters of government and discipline, but this was never ratified as the king's decease took place before it was fully prepared. This was perhaps the greatest misfortune that befell the Church of England in consequence of the premature death of Edward, as it was thereby left totally without government or discipline, such as though limited by the acknowledged regal supremacy, might yet have been, in the first instance, administered by its own courts. Hence it became impossible for the Church of England to exercise any direct influence in checking immorality, reforming abuses, or even in preserving its own most sacred ordinances from profanation. Even Burnett laments its want of the power to exercise discipline, and suggest the desirableness that the power of excommunication might yet be brought into the Church. Such, however, was the inevitable consequence of making the King the supreme head of the Church, rendering it necessarily impossible for the Church to reform itself beyond what he or his state advisors might choose to permit. 1553 The truth of this was immediately made apparent on the accession of Queen Mary in the year 1553. An early act of her sovereignty was the issuing of a proclamation in which she declared her adherence to the religion that she had professed from her infancy, disclaiming the intention of compelling her subjects till public order should be taken in the matter by common consent. And, in the meantime, straightly charging that none should preach or expound Scripture or print any books or plays without her special license. The deprived Copish bishops were speedily restored to their seats, and the Reformed bishops were sent to prison at once, and others thrust out of the House of Lords. because they refused to reverence the Mass at its opening. The laws passed by King Edward concerning religion were repealed, and a negotiation commenced for procuring a reconciliation with the Pope. The Mass was everywhere resumed, the laws against heresy revised, and every step taken for bringing the nation once more under the degrading thralldom of Popery, with all possible expeditions. All this was done directly by the authority of the Queen, as Supreme Head of the Church of England. For this title she took care to retain and enforce at the commencement of her reign, though it was afterwards disused. Indeed, she could not so readily have accomplished her purpose without the power which this title was admitted to confer. So fatally was it productive of evil. so soon had it ceased to be available for good, even when held by the pious Edward. But it is quite unnecessary to relate the events that successively followed, and to sketch even the outlines of the fierce persecution which characterized the reign of a queen so well known by the fearfully emphatic title of the Bloody Mary. Life alone was wanting to her to have completely overthrown the Reformation in England, and to have placed again the kingdom beneath the Romish yoke. And it deserves to be carefully remarked that this dread consummation was so nearly accomplished almost entirely by two conjunct influences, by the Queen's ecclesiastical supremacy and by the wealth and consequent power of the The tendency of the latter element had been foreseen by some, as appears from a letter written to the Protector Somerset by Sir Philip Hobbie, in which after suggesting the wisdom of appointing the godly bishops an honest and competent living, and taking from them the rest of those worldly possessions and dignities which tend to prevent the right discharge of their office, he adds, the papists say They doubt not, but my lords the bishops, being a great number of stout and well-learned men, will well enough weigh against their adversaries, and maintain still their whole estate, which, coming to pass, they have good hope that in time these princely pillars will well enough resist this fury, and bring all things again into the old order. Footnote. Bernard's History of the Reformation, Volume 3, page 280. End of footnotes. This shrewd prediction was well nigh fulfilled in Bloody Mary's days. An approximation was made towards it again under the management of Lot, and it is possible that a similar peril may once more arise. Reference has been already made to the opposition which Hooper offers to the Episcopal vestments and other unimportant and superstitious ceremonies. as probably exhibiting the very origin of what afterwards became the great Puritan party in England. Another event must also be mentioned, which certainly very much increased, and has by many been thought to have first caused that unpropitious schism. During the persecution in the reign of Mary, many Protestants, both lay and clerical, sought safety by flight to the continent. Of these a considerable body took up their residence at Frankfurt while others went to Strasbourg, Zurich or Basel. The Frankfurt exiles at first entered into communion with a congregation of French Protestants on the agreement that they should subscribe to French confession of faith and not insist upon retaining the forms and ceremonies of the English liturgy. For a time all went on in peace and harmony. under three pastors chosen by the congregation, of whom John Knox was one. But the English, having invited some of their countrymen at Strasbourg and Zurich to come and join them, they replied that they could not do so unless they would conform strictly and entirely to the religious service appointed by King Edward. The Frankfurt congregation refused to do so. stating that if the Strasbourg Divines had no other views but to reduce the congregation to King Edward's form and to establish Popish ceremonies, they had better stay away. The Frankfurt Brethren consulted Calvin and other leading Continental Reformers, who all censured the English liturgy, thought it more becoming godly ministers of Christ to aim at something better and purer and expressed surprise that they were so fond of Popis Drake. The controversy might probably have gone no further but for the inopportune arrival at Frankfurt of Dr. Cox, who had been tutored to King Edward and possessed great influence among his countrymen. He at once broke through the whole previous agreement, interrupted the usual service by answering aloud after the minister. and, by private intriguing, got the majority to consent to his aggressive innovations. The injured party applied to the magistrates, who gave order that the original agreement should be observed, threatening to shut up the place of worship if this command were disobeyed. With a baseness which has few equals, Cox and his party went privately to the magistrates, and accused Knox of treason against the Emperor of Germany, his son Philip, and Queen Mary of England, founding this charge on some expressions in his small treaties entitled Admonition to England. The magistrates were in great perplexity, for though they utterly disapproved of the conduct of Cox and the informers, they were afraid to offend the Emperor's counsel. In this dilemma, they advised John Knox to withdraw from Frankfurt for his own safety and for the sake of peace. He consented and withdrew amidst the complaints and tears of his attached friends. Following up his disgraceful victory, Cox falsely represented to the magistrates that the English liturgy was now universally acceptable to the congregation and procured an order for its unlimited use. He then abrogated the code of discipline, procured the appointment of a bishop, and rejoiced in having now the face of an English church. Thus, by intolerance, treachery, and despotism, they succeeded in overthrowing a church whose scriptural simplicity and purity they might have rejoiced to imitate, and in setting up human inventions in which pride and selfishness might glory. giving likewise an ominous intimation of the spirit likely to prevail in such a church as theirs, should it regain the ascendancy and become established in England. For in this instance they had not to plead, as in the case of Hooper, respect for the civil authority by which vestments and ceremonies were enjoined, the Frankfurt magistrates having actually discounted them. But it was with them, as it ever is, when man mingles his own devices with God's appointments, to his own vain fancies he clings with desperate and fierce tenacity, while he lays hold, weakly and loosely, on the unchanging laws and principles of divine revelation." Footnote. McCree's Life of Knox, pages 86 and 87. Neal's History of the Puritans. Volume 1, pages 76 to 82. End of footnote. 1558. Elizabeth, upon her ascension to the throne, found herself in a situation of considerable difficulty, threatened with foreign wars, and her subjects divided, anxious, and alarmed on the all-important subject of religion. Her wisest counselors advised her first to settle the relations of the country with foreign states, and then to proceed with what religious reformation might be necessary. There was also another reason for this course. Elizabeth, on her ascension to the throne, sent intimation of that event to the Pope, and waited an answer from Rome before declaring her purposes with regard to religion. That answer declared her illegitimate and commanded her to abandon the throne and submit to the will of the Roman Pontiff. This influence determined her to the support of the Protestant cause. To prevent disputes in the meantime, a proclamation was issued prohibiting all preaching and requiring that nothing should be done in public worship but the reading of the gospel and epistle for the day the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments, so proper arrangements should be made and further instructions given. Parliament met in January 1559 and proceeded with alacrity to the discharge of its duties. The Act of Supremacy, which had fallen into abeyance during the latter period of Mary's reign, was reenacted, restoring to the Crown complete supremacy in all causes civil and ecclesiastical as it had been in the times of Henry VIII and Edward VI. Footnote. In the Queen's injunction, subsequently issued, an explanation was given of the oath of supremacy, in which Her Majesty declared that she did not pretend to any authority for the ministering of divine service in the Church. and that all that she claimed was that which at all times belonged to the imperial crown of England, that she had the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons under God, so that no foreign power had rule over them. If the oath of supremacy had implied no more than the plain meaning of these words, it would scarcely have been disputed by any, but it would have been ineffectual for the purpose for which it was intended. and it would not have sanctioned much that was done under its authority." To this bill several others were annexed, reviving various Acts of the reign of Henry, and repealing those of Mary, so that by this one enactment the external policy of the Church was restored to almost the very same condition in which it had been at the death of King Edward. One provisional in this Act added for the purpose of enabling the Queen to execute her supremacy, and powered such persons as should be commissioned by Her Majesty to reform and order ecclesiastical matters. This gave rise to the Court of High Commission, by which afterwards so many acts of cruelty and despotism were perpetrated, both in England and in Scotland. especially in the latter country where policy was forced upon it by the treacherous tyranny of King James. Some of the reformed divines were next appointed to revise King Edward's liturgy, and to see whether any such changes could be made in it as would tend to render it more likely to include some whose opinions were yet short of a thorough reformation. In particular, it was proposed to have the language of the communion service so modified that it might not necessarily exclude the belief of the corporal presence. After several alterations, all leaning rather to Popery than to Protestantism had been made, the revised Book of Common Prayer was ratified by Act of Parliament and uniformity in worship according to it enjoined. The Popish bishops refused to take the oath of supremacy and were in consequence deprived of their offices and powers. This enabled the Queen to supply their places with men better affected to Reformation, which was accordingly done, though not without difficulty. The very best men being reluctant to undertake situations of such responsibility, and many being decidedly opposed to the ceremonies, rites, and vestments which were required, and which they regarded as remnants of superstition and inconsistent with Christian simplicity. The reforming Divine soon became aware that in these points they had to encounter Her Majesty's opposition. The Queen was naturally vain, and therefore fond of pomp and magnificence in everything. Nor did her reverence for religion teach her to abstain from presuming to seek the gratification of her personal taste and prejudices in matters too sacred for moral creature to tamper with. It was with great difficulty that they prevailed with her to insert in her injunctions a command for the removal of all images out of churches, but they could not induce her to abandon the use of a crucifix in her own chapel. The controversy concerning vestments and rites and ceremonies continued with increased disparity on both sides. All the court divines, as they may be termed, headed by Archbishop Parker, supported the Queen's desire for retaining as much show and pop in religious matters as might be possible. While Jewel, Gringo, Samson, Fox the meteorologist, and all the most distinguished for piety and liberal-mindedness did their utmost to procure a more complete Reformation, and for this purpose maintained a close correspondence with the most eminent of the Continental Reformers. Footnote. The leading men of the first race of Puritans were Bishops Jewell, Grindahl, Horn, Sandys, Pilkington, Parkhurst, and Guest. Also Miles Coverdale, Fox, Dr. Humphreys, Mr. Sampson, and many others of scarcely inferior reputation. Even Parker at first opposed the Episcopal vestments and was consecrated without them. End of footnote. Jewel, in particular, exerted himself to the utmost against these vain frivolities. Some, said he, were so much set on the matter of the habits as if the Christian religion consisted in garments. But we, added he, are not called to the consultations concerning that scenarical apparel. He could set no value on these falperies. Some are crying up a golden mediocrity he was afraid it would prove a leaden one. Footnote, Burnett's History of the Reformation, Volume 3, page 424. End of footnote. In short, It is not too much to say that all the best, wisest, and most pious and learned divines of the Church of England, all the true reformers, longed and strove for a more complete Reformation, lamented that it continued but a half-reformed Church, and were the real forefathers of the Puritans. In the beginning of the year 1562, a meeting of the Convocation was held, in which the subject of further Reformation was vigorously discussed on both sides. Some alterations were made in the Articles of Religion, originally drawn up in King Edward's reign. These were at first 42 in number, but by remitting some and combining others, they were reduced to the 39 which have ever since formed the standard of faith in the Church of England. It cannot be said that they were in all respects improved by these alterations, as anyone may see by comparing them. But when it was proposed that there should be some alterations in the prayer book, a very warm debate ensued. Six alterations were proposed to the following purport, the abrogation of all holidays, except and those relating to Christ that in prayer the minister should turn his face to the people so they might hear and be edified that the ceremony of the cross and baptism might be omitted that the sick and aged might not be compelled to kneel at the communion that the partial use of the surplus might be sufficient and that the use of organs be laid aside footnote burn it Volume 3, page 443. End of footnote. The main argument used against these proposed improvements was that they were contrary to the Book of Common Prayer, which was ratified by active Parliament so that no alteration of anything contained in that book could be permitted. When the vote came to be taken on these propositions, 43 voted for them and 35 against. But when the proxies were counted, the balance was turned, the final state of the vote being 58 for and 59 against. Thus it was determined by the majority of a single vote, and that the proxy of an absent person who did not hear the reasoning, that the prayer book should remain unimproved, that there should be no further reformation, that there should be no relief granted to those whose conscience self-agrees by the admixture of human inventions in the worship of God, so that the Church of England was thenceforth to remain like one of her own grand cathedrals, a stately mass of petrified religion. A Book of Discipline was also prepared by the same Convocation. Whether it was the reformation of the ecclesiastical laws proposed formally by Cranmer does not appear. but it did not receive the approbation of the House of Lords, and sunk into complete oblivion. Perhaps the reason why it received so little countenance in high quarters is explained in a letter from Cot, now Bishop of Eli, to Balter of Zurich. When I consider the sins that do everywhere abound, and the neglect and contempt of the Word of God, I am struck with horror, and tremble to think what God will do with us. We have some discipline among us with relation to men's lives, such as it is, but if any man would go about to persuade our nobility to submit their necks to that yoke, he may as well venture to pull the hair out of a lion's beard." Footnote, Burnett's History of the Reformation, Volume 3, page 464. End of footnote. Several other points tending towards reformation were also proposed, but in vain. Nothing more could be accomplished, so that it may be fairly said that with the Convocation of 1562 ended the reformation of the Church of England, before much more than half its work had been done. And it will be admitted by all who are sufficiently acquainted with the condition of the people throughout the country districts of the Kingdom, that the Reformation proper of the English nation is yet to begin. Please continue listening on tape number two.